It goes without saying that ever since the 9/11 attacks, American foreign policy has been fundamentally changed. That is, the crux of the post-9/11 American foreign policy has been constantly attached to two words: “terrorist” and “regime”. First it was Afghanistan in the wake of the attacks, then it was Iraq with its “weapons of mass destruction” and the “Saddam Hussein regime” and there have been recent rumblings regarding Iran. Of course, let’s not forget to mention North Korea. The Bush administration taking the offensive against these “threats” can be seen from two ends. On the one hand, the best defense is a good offense, as the saying goes, as exemplified by the U.S.’ pre-emptive policy, especially in Iraq. But on the other hand, while the U.S. has been taking action watching out for its own interests, suffering in other areas of the world has been relatively neglected. Amongst the chaos of war, terrorism and American fingerprints all over the Middle East, areas such as Uganda and Darfur have been lost in the shuffle. So it is the combination of a lack of progress in the Middle East and the growing problems in those other areas that I believe should call for a slight redirection of America’s focus, especially where foreign policy is concerned.
The “War On Terror”, in short, can be summarized as the “War of Adjustments” due to the many twists and turns that have occurred along the way ever since the attacks in September 2001. In his speech to the nation on the eve of the invasion of Iraq in 2003, President Bush iterated towards the end:
Our nation enters this conflict reluctantly -- yet, our purpose is sure. The people of the United States and our friends and allies will not live at the mercy of an outlaw regime that threatens the peace with weapons of mass murder. We will meet that threat now, with our Army, Air Force, Navy, Coast Guard and Marines, so that we do not have to meet it later with armies of fire fighters and police and doctors on the streets of our cities.
Now that conflict has come, the only way to limit its duration is to apply decisive force. And I assure you, this will not be a campaign of half measures, and we will accept no outcome but victory. (President Bush Addresses the Nation)
Admiral Kelly, Captain Card, officers and sailors of the USS Abraham Lincoln, my fellow Americans, major combat operations in Iraq have ended. In the battle of Iraq, the United States and our allies have prevailed.
Operation Iraqi Freedom was carried out with a combination of precision and speed and boldness the enemy did not expect and the world had not seen before.
With new tactics and precision weapons, we can achieve military objectives without directing violence against civilians. (Bush makes historic speech aboard warship)
And of course, there was not only an apparent inconsistency internally, but external skepticism regarding the existence of the “weapons of mass destruction”. This lack of legitimacy was not only expressed internally by many critics, but externally as well, not the least of which was the U.N., whose former Secretary-General Kofi Annan commented in September 2004, “I have indicated it was not in conformity with the UN charter from our point of view, from the charter point of view, it was illegal" (Iraq War illegal, says Annan). He prefaced that comment by pointing out that it was concluded that “it’s best to work together with our allies and through the UN” (Iraq War illegal, says Annan). Having defied U.N. opposition to the war, Bush and the U.S. not only disregarded the U.N.’s authority but also the opinion of its ally nations. Having committed such actions on grounds of Iraq’s weapons of mass destruction, it came like a car crash when the Downing Street Memo leaked. Now, fundamentally speaking, when you cite a justification for doing anything, and that justification is shown to be false, then you lose that justification and right of that action. As such, the leaked memo revealed that the officials of U.S. and U.K. knew about the deception behind the basis of the Iraq invasion (C stands for Secret Intelligence Service head Sir Richard Dearlove):
C reported on his recent talks in Washington. There was a perceptible shift in attitude. Military action was now seen as inevitable. Bush wanted to remove Saddam, through military action, justified by the conjunction of terrorism and WMD (weapons of mass destruction). But the intelligence and facts were being fixed around the policy. The NSC (national security council) had no patience with the UN route, and no enthusiasm for publishing material on the Iraqi regime's record. There was little discussion in Washington of the aftermath after military action. (The Secret Downing Street Memo)
The reasons for starting the war and invasion were dubious at best. It didn’t help that once they were in Iraq that the fruits of the U.S.’ labor have so far been marginal at best. Referring back to Bush’ speech on the USS Abraham Lincoln regarding the end of major conflict, events since then have indicated that little has changed. The irony of that speech was that his words indicated a sense of clarity, accomplishment and hopefulness. However, as major warfare closed and occupation took priority in Iraq, order only led to more chaos. As things got moving with the Iraq elections of 2005, Thomas Ricks, in his book, Fiasco: The American Military Adventure in Iraq, noted that insurgent attacks that year increased to 34,131 recorded incidents, versus 26,496 the year before. However, although the current Iraq government took office in 2006, it was also followed by more bad news. Although Iraq was pulling itself together, the U.S. still hadn’t accomplished anywhere near where it set its goals. In fact, there were many shortcomings rather than successes in Iraq. As the U.S. set out to eradicate remnants of the Saddam Hussein regime and bring about a new democratic order, they fell short in that. In fact, studies released and compiled by the US Foreign Policy magazines and the US-based Fund for Peace think-tank in 2006 indicated that, based on a variety of factors ranging from “chronic and sustained human flight” to “rise of factionalized elites” ranked Iraq as 4th on the list of failed states (Sudan tops 'failed states' index). Furthermore, in a tragic twist of irony, there have been sad and unfortunate events between the soldiers and the Iraqi civilians they were supposed to protect and honor. In particular was the April 2004, incident involving the abuse of prisoners at Abu Ghraib. According to a New York Times Report (Detainees Describe Abuses by Guard in Prison), the following abuses Iraqi prisoners faced included, but were not limited to:
o Ordering detainees, threatened by soldiers with knives if they didn’t do it fast enough
o Forced masturbation
o Piling into pyramids, completely naked
o Being urinated on
o Physical beatings
o Forced to eat pork against their Muslim faith
Indeed, as the times have become tougher and stressing, the U.S. measures have become more and more desperate. As of January 2007, President Bush announced changes in the military policy in Iraq, calling for the beginning of the “surge” strategy which had at that time been known as “The New Way Forward”. The new policy called for more than 20,000 additional American troops to be deployed to Iraq with their main priority to secure local cities and neighborhoods and defend against continuing insurgency in Baghdad, as outlined by Bush in his address to the nation in January 2007. The result of this new policy has been less than impressive, even startling. According to figures released by government figures in April 2007, the monthly death toll in Iraq rose by 15%. The same authorities also revealed that more people died on the average in March than they did in February. Furthermore, Iraqi civilian casualties rose from 1,646 to 1,869 from February to March. On top of this, the death toll was nearly double those of the Iraqi army (Iraq toll up 15% despite crackdown). Compounding that issue is the fact that the new security measures have only been applied in “only 146 of the 457 Baghdad neighborhoods” (Commanders say push in Baghdad is short of goal (registration required)) and the Iraqi police and armed forces have been lacking and unable to perform rudimentary tasks. Several military officials such as Brig. Gen. Vincent K. Brooks admitted the troops are “at a difficult point right now” (Commanders say push in Baghdad is short of goal) with the lack of progress, and Lt. Gen. Raymond T. Odierno conceded that the government’s goal of meeting a midsummer timetable for establishing peace was unrealistic, commenting, “This was always going to be conditions-driven” (Commanders say push in Baghdad is short of goal).
A war that once stood for the preservation of democracy and the end of tyranny in Iraq has only led to more strife, turmoil and confusion. The story of the Iraq war can be summarized in the fact that while the gains have been few and far between, the cost for those few gains has been very great. First off, a 2006 study by the John Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health has estimated that over 650,000 Iraqis have died since the 2003 U.S. invasion and that nearly a third of these deaths were due to the Coalition force in some form (Updated Iraq Survey...). However, as of September 2007, in light of the new surge strategy, a new poll conducted by Opinion Business Research has revealed that over 1,000,000 Iraqi citizens have been murdered since 2003, which would actually far exceed the death toll of the Rwandan genocides from 1994 (More than 1,000,000 Iraqis murdered). As for the U.S. troops, their toll went over 3,000 as of the beginning of this year, which surpassed the toll of the victims of the 9/11 attacks of 2,973. In addition, the Office of the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees and the Iraqi government have estimated that as of October 2006, there were 1.5 million people displaced within Iraq, and 1.6 million Iraqis displaced outside Iraq in Jordan, Syria and Iran (UNHCR). In addition to the cost of lives, a recent study released by Columbia University economist Joseph E. Stiglitz reveals that in the long term, the Iraq War costs could top $2 trillion dollars. The same study revealed that the monthly bill for just military operating costs was $4.5 billion dollars. (Iraq War Costs Could Top $2 Billion)
Looking over the facts and the developments that have transpired over the last four years, it has become clear that something went wrong along the way. Bush promised a war of efficiency, swift justice and peace for the Iraqis in getting rid of the Hussein regime and the “weapons of mass destruction”. Thus far, none of those promises have been kept, and while Hussein and those “weapons” are gone, little has changed. In short, by focusing so hard on the Middle East and specifically, Iraq, the U.S. has used many resources that have had little returns. Once again, the question is not regarding the U.S.’ right to protect itself, but rather if the pre-emptive policies against Iraq and the Middle East were undertaken in an effective way. So far, all signs point to a resounding no. The important point is that, simultaneously, while all this was occurring, there have been continuing and growing sufferings in places such as Darfur and Uganda. As John Edwards put it:
As everyone in this room knows, the Iraq War has made it far more difficult to deal with other global challenges--whether it's the worsening situation in Afghanistan, where the Taliban is resurgent... the nuclear ambitions of states like North Korea and Iran... the crises in Darfur and Northern Uganda... the effort to help bring peace between Israel and its neighbors... the growing economic and security threats from global warming... the plight of the over a billion people who live on less than a dollar a day... (Bush's global war on terror has backfired)
The struggles in Uganda and Darfur have been well documented. The two nations are not unlike each other in the pains they have experienced in displaced citizens, famine, deaths and genocides. The conditions in the two countries have been up and down but foreign aid needs to come sooner than later. In Uganda, they are still recovering from the atrocities committed by the LRA, also known as the Lord’s Resistance Army, whose reign of terror has plagued Northern Uganda for decades. The following excerpt is part of a story that is all too common among many children and young adults of Uganda:
A young woman I met had been abducted by the LRA along with other members of her village. She calmly described their first night's "welcoming meal," in which one of the villagers was killed and the rest forced to eat him, to instill a proper fear. (The Price of Peace in Uganda)
This is the same LRA that has been responsible for over a 100,000 deaths, 20,000 abductions and the displacement of over 1.5 million people. Although the storm has calmed in Northern Uganda, especially with the LRA retreating to the Garamba National Park in the Democratic Republic of Congo, and even though there are some 18,000+ United Nations peacekeepers nearby, there still must be more done for Uganda in defending against the LRA. The worry is that the LRA is rearming and planning to strike again when the time is right. This worry is echoed by President Museveni who revealed that not only was there a lack of U.N. aid in the early 90s, but that the effort against the LRA was hamstrung by the international community’s insistence on placing restrictions on defense funds that go towards Uganda (Invisible War). This is on top of the already existing problems for the displaced persons and the children who still walk every night homeless to avoid being captured. As of February 2006, according to internal-displacement.org, the total population of all the IDP camps in Uganda has been numbered at 460,226 (Chart). An earlier post I wrote also indicates another sign of Uganda’s struggles. Reading that blog and looking at what could be done, if the $4.5 billion spent per month on military operation by the U.S. were allocated to aiding Uganda, that would amount to roughly, with a dollar roughly equaling 1600 schillings, an astounding $7.2 trillion schillings.
Similarly, Darfur has suffered heavily as well due to the genocides, warfare between the Sudanese government, militias and rebel forces and with a lack of aid. The current death toll according to one report has been something of a point of contention, with one study revealing that death estimates for Darfur have been inaccurate, with the Government Accountability Office citing that past figures released by the government have been off, and in some cases an underestimation (Death Estimates For Darfur Inaccurate). U.N. officials have estimated to be somewhere around 400,000 while those that have been displaced have been numbered at some 2 million (Annan welcomes extension of African Union). Even to this day, deaths, displacement and a sense of hopelessness still continues, as recently as September 18, 2007, thousands more have fled Darfur as the UN Office for the coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) stated “Over 240,000 people have been newly displaced or re-displaced during 2007”. The same report by OCHA continues stating that “the humanitarian situation in Darfur has deteriorated” with the UN staff having to relocate 24 times in 2007 due to the hostile environment. (Thousands More Flee Violence in Darfur). As for foreign aid, the Minority Rights Group (MRG) summed it up when they stated, “Darfur would just not be in this situation had the UN systems got its act together after Rwanda: their action was too little too late”. What made it worse was that in spite of MRG reports on the worsening conditions in Darfur, the U.N. in 2003 removed Sudan from its watch list of the Commission on Human Rights. They expressed that “this report clearly shows that the UN was given several opportunities to act on Darfur but failed to do so” (UN Could Have Averted Darfur Crisis).
As I have explored throughout this reading, as the U.S.’ grip in one place, that is the Middle East, has loosened, those suffering off in the distance in Darfur and Uganda have been continuing to fade, just as they had been before the war. As the troops and President Bush try in vain to correct mistakes, to re-allocate resources and efforts in resolving the instability in Iraq, the current sufferings, histories and violence will only continue to linger and rear its ugly head sooner than later in Uganda and Darfur. One can only hope that the U.S. officials will resolve the issues in the Middle East they have been obsessing over and work with the international community to bring aid to those nations whose humanitarian, economical, social, political and religious problems have been plaguing them long before the Iraq invasion in 2003.
Works Cited
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<http://www.reliefweb.int/rw/RWB.NSF/db900SID/KHII-6ZV4DW>
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< http://www.alertnet.org/thenews/newsdesk/N11255774.htm>
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< http://www.csmonitor.com/2006/0110/dailyUpdate.html>
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< http://allafrica.com/stories/200709180683.html>
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<http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=19948&Cr=sudan&Cr1>
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<http://www.iol.co.za/index.php?set_id=1&click_id=136&art_id=iol1160956523318B235>
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